HIST205 Montgomery College Views of Abraham Lincoln on Slavery Paper You need to follow the instructions I gave you from the document, you need to read the

HIST205 Montgomery College Views of Abraham Lincoln on Slavery Paper You need to follow the instructions I gave you from the document, you need to read the third article which is THE ROLE OF LINCOLN IN ABOLISHING SLAVERY and write the third essay. And can you start as soon as possible.

HERE IS THE FORMATTING OF THE PAPER:

Formatting

Double-spaced, Times New Roman, 12pt font, 1 inch margins. Your paper will have NO header.

Simply put your name in the upper right hand corner, use one line for your title, and then start

writing. (Just like what you see on this page.) The point here is that you will write exactly two

pages with no extra space filler. (You can print one double-sided page [front & back] or two

single-sided pages.) 1
Your Name Goes Here
Start Writing Your Paper Here…….
Weekly Documents Assignment Instructions
Over the course of this term you will be required to write ​three ​short papers of 2 pages
each, due on the days listed on the syllabus.
Formatting
Double-spaced, Times New Roman, 12pt font, 1 inch margins. Your paper will have ​NO​ header.
Simply put your name in the upper right hand corner, use one line for your title, and then start
writing. (Just like what you see on this page.) The point here is that you will write ​exactly​ two
pages with no extra space filler. (You can print one double-sided page [front & back] or two
single-sided pages.)
Instructions
Attached you will find copies of the documents you will analyse. Your assignment must answer
the questions posed below. The purpose of this assignment is to help you to write an analytical
paper clearly and concisely. This is an ​analytical​ paper, not a ​research​ paper, meaning that you
will answer the question based ​only​ on the evidence from the document. Do not use outside
sources, do not simply repeat what you learned in the lectures. The key to a good paper is to
make an argument by staking a position in your introduction, then use ​evidence​ in the form of
quotes from the document to help reinforce your point.
Paper 1 Question: ​What were the major challenges that Native Americans faced after they
encountered the early European settlers?
Paper 2 Question: ​What is the U.S. trying to tell the world through this statement?
Paper 3 Question: ​ Did Lincoln “free” the slaves?
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DOCUMENT ONE: ​The Indians’ New World
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ARTICLE TWO: ​MONROE’S MESSAGE
TO CONGRESS.
Monroe Doctrine, December 2 1823
The Monroe Doctrine was expressed during President Monroe’s seventh annual message to
Congress, December 2, 1823: . . .
At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the
Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the
United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and interests
of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal has been made by His
Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The
Government of the United States has been desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the
great value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude
to cultivate the best understanding with his Government. In the discussions to which this interest has
given rise and in the arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been judged proper
for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that
the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and
maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European
powers. . .
It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort was then making in
Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to
be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the results have been
so far very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with
which we have so much intercourse and from which we derive our origin, we have always been
anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most
friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the
wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor
does it comport with our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced
that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere
we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all
enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different
in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their
respective Governments; and to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so
much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under
which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted.
We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United
States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their
system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing
colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But
with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintain it, and whose
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independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not
view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their
destiny, by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly
disposition toward the United States. In the war between those new Governments and Spain we
declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall
continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgement of the competent
authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States
indispensable to their security. The late events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still
unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should
have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the
internal concerns of Spain.
To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question in
which all independent powers whose governments differ from theirs are interested, even those most
remote, and surely none of them more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe,
which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the
globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its
powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate
friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting
in all instances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to
those continents circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different.
It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of
either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that our
southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible,
therefore, that we should behold such interposition in any form with indifference. If we look to the
comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance from
each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United
States to leave the parties to themselves, in hope that other powers will pursue the same course. . . .
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ARTICLE THREE: ​THE ROLE OF LINCOLN IN
ABOLISHING SLAVERY
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ARTICLE ENDS
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