UM Culture in Social Development & Racial & Ethnic Differences in Aging Article Analysis I need 2 paragraph summaries for each of the following articles. T

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Race, Ethnicity, and Culture in Child Development: Contemporary Research
and Future Directions
Article in Child Development · September 2006
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8624.2006.00951.x · Source: PubMed
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Child Development, September/October 2006, Volume 77, Number 5, Pages 1129 – 1141
Race, Ethnicity, and Culture in Child Development: Contemporary Research
and Future Directions
Stephen M. Quintana
Frances E. Aboud
University of Wisconsin
McGill University
Ruth K. Chao
Josefina Contreras-Grau
University of California-Riverside
Kent State University
William E. Cross, Jr.
Cynthia Hudley
City University of New York
University of California, Santa Barbara
Diane Hughes
Lynn S. Liben
New York University
The Pennsylvania State University
Sharon Nelson-Le Gall
Deborah L. Vietze
University of Pittsburgh
CUNY Graduate Center
The editors of this special issue reflect on the current status and future directions of research on race, ethnicity,
and culture in child development. Research in the special issue disentangles race, ethnicity, culture, and immigrant status, and identifies mediators of sociocultural variables on developmental outcomes. The special issue
includes important research on normal development in context for ethnic and racial minority children, addresses racial and ethnic identity development, and considers intergroup processes. The methodological innovations as well as challenges of current research are highlighted. It is recommended that future research
adhere to principles of cultural validity described in the text.
The contents of this special issue (SI) reflect the
scholarship of authors who submitted their manuscripts, the contributions of the consultants who
provided careful and thoughtful reviews of manuscripts, and the work of the editors who selected and
shaped final manuscripts.
The response to this issue was overwhelming at
every level. More than 300 letters of intent were
submitted in response to the preliminary callFmore
than the number of manuscripts many journals
receive in a year. The response from scholars invited
to edit and review SI manuscripts was similarly
remarkableFvirtually every person invited to participate agreed to review, and many others volunteered. Vonnie C. McLoyd and Margaret Beale
Spencer accepted our invitation to reflect on how the
field has changed since they edited the 1990 Special
Issue on Minority Children. These uniformly enthusiastic responses speak to the great significance that
race, culture, and ethnicity currently have in the field
of child development. Collectively, the contents of
this issue showcase progress and promising forms of
innovation while revealing persisting limitations in
extant research. In this editorial, the SI editors have
joined together to document the goals of the SI, to
place the SI in historical context, to highlight some of
the major points made in the final collection of articles, to identify some remaining challenges and lacunae, and to offer recommendations for future
work.
The Call and Response
The call for papers identified three foci for the SI:
The order of authorship beyond the lead editor is alphabetical to
reflect the shared contribution of the special issue editors to the
production of this issue and editorial statement.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
Stephen M. Quintana, 1000 Bascom Mall, University of Wisconsin,
Madison, WI 53706. Electronic mail may be sent to Quintana@education.wisc.edu.
Normative Development in ContextFcovering language, cognitive, social, personality, academic,
and behavioral development for children from
r 2006 by the Society for Research in Child Development, Inc.
All rights reserved. 0009-3920/2006/7705-0001
1130
Quintana et al.
racial and ethnic minority groups in specific ecological contexts, such as urban and rural neighborhoods, segregated and integrated settings, and
low income and middle class. Of special interest
are investigations of the ways developmental
processes operate in ecological contexts.
Intergroup Relations and AttitudesFaddressing
children’s and adolescents’ ethnic attitudes and
behavior, including prejudice, discrimination, and
ethnic pride; dynamics of intergroup conflict;
causes and consequences of racial attitudes; and
characteristics and formation of intergroup
friendships and relationships.
Identity DevelopmentFconcerning the formation
and development of children’s racial, ethnic,
and cultural identity including social cognitive
processes, the implications of bicultural and multicultural identification, bilingualism and multilingualism, immigration and migration, and
acculturation and enculturation processes that
support these identity processes.
The articles appearing in this SI are balanced
across these three domains, with many articles addressing two and some addressing all three domains.
Of the 25 articles, 7 focused on both normative development and racial identity or racial socialization,
5 focused only on racial identity, 9 focused only on
normative development, and 4 focused on intergroup relations and attitudes. Eleven articles focused
on multiple ethnic or racial groups, and 14 focused
on a single ethnic or racial group. Thirteen articles
included African American participants, 10 included
Latino participants, 8 included European American
participants, 4 included Asian American participants, and 1 included Native American participants.
Three articles investigated immigrant groups; 3 investigated populations outside of the United States,
Canada, or the European Union; and 1 investigated
multiracial youth (numbers do not sum to 25 because
some studies included multiple populations).
Comparison With the 1990 SI
Progress in studying race, culture, and ethnicity
can be identified by comparing the current SI with
the 1990 SI (Spencer & McLoyd, 1990). Many differences between the two SIs reflect broader changes in
the field of child development. Whereas in the 1990
SI only about 5% of the empirical studies were longitudinal, in the current SI, roughly 33% of the empirical studies were longitudinal. Longitudinal
designs provide obvious benefits for sorting out the
direction of influence among developmental varia-
bles and elucidating prospective changes. In the
current SI, Pahl and Way (2006) found support for
reciprocal relationships between discrimination and
ethnic identity but discovered that the path from
discrimination to ethnic identity was stronger than
the reverse. Similarly, Brody et al. (2006) found reciprocal relationships between discrimination and
conduct disorders but discovered that the path from
discrimination to later conduct disorders was
stronger. The growth in the proportion of longitudinal designs investigating race, ethnicity, and culture in this SI reflects the increased reliance on
longitudinal designs in the field of child development more broadly.
Another important difference between the two SIs
is that articles in the 1990 SI focused on either parental characteristics or children’s activity, whereas
articles in the current SI examined the connection
between parental socialization and child outcomes.
The SIs also differ in the way context is represented.
Articles in the 1990 SI focused on the family context
including family structure (e.g., single- or two-parent
families) and parental social class and educational
levels, whereas articles in the current SI expanded
the focus to include neighborhood (ethnic composition, prevalence of violence, social class) and peer
group (sociometric status, racial density, ethnic affiliation). Again, these trends in research on ethnic
and racial minority children and families reflect
broader growth in the field of child development due
to, for example, the application of Bronfenbrenner’s
(1986) ecological theory to developmental research
(e.g., Garcia Coll, Crnic, Lamberty, & Wasik, 1996).
Research in the current SI demonstrates how the
field has benefited from the requirement by some
granting agencies (e.g., National Institutes for
Health, National Science Foundation) to include
historically underrepresented groups (Office of
Budget Management, 1997, Directive 15). As a result,
many federally funded studies are now better able to
test the external validity of their findings across
ethnic and racial groups. In the present SI, the Early
Childhood Longitudinal Study, Birth Cohort Study
has a sample large enough to establish the generalizability of some parenting constructs for two separate Latino populations (Cabrera et al., 2006).
Advances in methodological rigor in developmental research in general thus aid the study of race
and ethnicity in child development, but these advances cannot substitute for innovations specific to
the study of race and ethnicity. For example, even
large-sample, longitudinal investigations are of limited value if the measurements of racial or cultural
features remain outdated.
Special Issue Editorial
SI Articles and Current Trends
Disentangling Race and Ethnicity From Culture
Developmental research has been attempting to
disentangle the various components associated with
ethnic and racial minority children by examining the
individual contribution of each sociocultural characteristic (e.g., race, culture, social class) as well as
the interactions of multiple sociocultural features. Of
particular importance within this SI are approaches
that unpack race and ethnicity from culture in children’s development. Historically, racial and cultural
statuses have been conceptually confounded and
empirically conflated. It is important to note that race
is not used here to denote the biological and genetic
characteristics presumed to underlie differences
across racial groups. We recognize that the biological
and genetic integrity of racial classifications has been
seriously challenged (e.g., Smedley & Smedley,
2005). Consequently, race instead refers to its socially
constructed meaning in which differences between
racial groups perceived to be immutable because of
the belief that racial differences are based on genetic
and biological characteristics. Hence, we do not wish
to reify the presumed biological and genetic reality
of the term race but acknowledge there remain socially constructed connotations of the term that are
meaningful.
When investigating issues of race and ethnicity in
child development, researchers have focused most
often on racial or ethnic minority groups. However,
logically racially or ethnically privileged groups are
no less affected by racial and ethnic issues than are
minority groups, albeit in ways that are less often
acknowledged (see Spencer, 2006). For example,
most research conducted on racially privileged children vis-à-vis their racial status has focused on racial
prejudice (e.g., Katz, 2003). Research by social psychologists has identified several psychological benefits of racial privilege for self-esteem, social status,
and cognitive and academic performance (Crocker,
Blaine, & Luhtanen, 1993; Stangor & Thompson,
2002; Steele & Aronson, 2000). The developmental
implications of these benefits for racially privileged
children require further study (Spencer, 2006).
The racialized context of children’s and youth’s
development is reflected in several articles in this
issue. Specifically, investigators studied the effect of
racial discrimination on development (e.g., Altschul,
Oyserman, & Bybee, 2006; Brody et al., 2006; Pahl &
Way, 2006) as well as the impact of parents’ racial
socialization of their children (e.g., Caughy, Nettles,
O’Campo, & Lohrfink, 2006). Several researchers
1131
also studied White children’s racial prejudice with a
focus on the stability and malleability of these intergroup attitudes (e.g., Cameron, Rutland, Brown, &
Douch, 2006; Jackson, Barth, Powell, & Lochman,
2006). Several others compared and contrasted discrimination experiences and the sequela of discrimination across racially stigmatized groups. For
example, the experience and effects of ethnic and
racial discrimination for Latino and African American populations are similar in important ways (Altschul et al., 2006; Pahl & Way, 2006). Hence, research
in this SI concerns the influence of racial and ethnic
minority status on children’s development. Although this direction is not new, the articles in this
issue reflect the increasing sophistication in separating the influences of racial and ethnic status from
cultural status.
Other research in this SI addressed cultural influences on development, focusing on specific cultural groups, comparisons across culturally different
groups, or differences due to acculturation processes.
Their studies add to a relatively long history of research on cultural features associated with children’s
development, especially among Latino and Asian
American children. Halgunseth, Ispa, and Rudy
(2006) provided the most comprehensive review of
the cultural foundation for Latino parenting in which
parenting styles are understood based on the socialization goals indigenous to this cultural group.
Halgunseth et al. offered cultural explanations for
why Latinos tend to use greater parental control but
do not exhibit some of the negative effects associated
with high parental control that has been found for
White American parents. Findings from Updegraff,
McHale, Whiteman, Thayer, and Crouter (2006) also
speak to the importance of adult supervision of adolescent youth. In particular, these investigators
found that the amount of unsupervised time that
Latino adolescents spent with peers was associated
with adjustment problems. Because no comparison
group was included, Updegraff et al. were unable to
discern whether the strength of the association between unsupervised time and adjustment was
stronger for Latinos than for other groups. Other
researchers demonstrated that developmental principles are consistent across cultural group differences. For example, Cabrera et al. (2006) reported
that a parenting construct for promoting development in other populations was associated with development for Latino groups.
An important trend in the field is the separation of
cultural socialization from racial socialization for
African Americans. Authors of two articles in this
issue (Caughy et al., 2006; McHale et al., 2006)
1132
Quintana et al.
separated two kinds of socialization: (a) cultural socialization indicated, for example, by presence of
Africentric cultural items (e.g., toys, books, clothing)
in the home and (b) racial socialization indicated by
parents preparing their children for racial bias and
promoting racial mistrust. The findings from these
two articles empirically differentiated between cultural and racial socialization: Racial socialization was
more strongly related to negative outcomes (e.g.,
external locus of control) and less strongly related to
positive outcomes (e.g., cognitive development) than
was cultural socialization. These results reinforce the
importance of separating cultural socialization from
racial socialization in empirical work with African
American populations as well as with other racial
minority groups.
In another SI article, Cole, Tamang, and Shrestha
(2006) investigated the interaction of culture and race
in child development. Their findings raise the intriguing possibility that cultural socialization practices may prepare children for the relative privileged
or stigmatized positions their groups hold in hierarchical societies. Cole et al. focused on two cultural
groups in Nepal, both of which are considered collectivistic in their cultural orientations but hold different social positions in a caste system within their
larger society. Cole et al. showed how differences in
children’s emotional socialization were connected to
either the minority or dominant status of their respective group. Children in the dominant group
were socialized in ways that encouraged their mastery and persistence in academic tasks, and children
in the minority group were socialized in ways that
encouraged the expression of shame and deference.
Whereas most of the research on ethnic or racial
minority children has identified possible cultural
processes to explain differences in their socialization,
Cole et al. are one of the few who investigated a
racialized component of cultural socialization.
Spencer (2006) noted the absence of, but also the
critical need for, research into how racially dominant
children are socialized with respect to racial privilege. Similarly, few researchers have investigated the
implications for cultural socialization of children in
racially privileged groups, in which their culture is
presumed to be normative and other cultures are
viewed as non-normative. Although there has been
some investigation into the cultural foundation for
the development of children of European descent
based on comparisons between putative individualistic and collectivistic groups (e.g., Harkness, Raeff,
& Super, 2000), much of this research has confounded cultural values (i.e., individualism) with
racial privilege. That is, little attention has been
given to distinguishing cultural differences from racial privilege. In short, the field appears to be making
progress in disentangling race and ethnicity from
culture, but further work is needed to extend this
approach to studying the developmental consequences of how ethnic or racial status interact with
cultural status.
Disentangling Immigration Status From Culture
Immigration and cultural status are often
confounded in developmental research, but as evidenced by two articles in this issue (Leventhal, Xue,
& Brooks-Gunn, 2006; Tseng, 2006) there is movement toward separating these two statuses. These
SI studies suggested there are developmental
advantages associated with immigrant status. This
advantage can be understood by reference to Ogbu
(1994), who suggested that immigrants have several
advantages such as being voluntary minorities. This
positive frame of reference may help immigrant
groups compensate for their status as cultural and
linguistic minorities. Previous research has, however, confounded immigrant status with culture. It is
possible that some of the positive characteristics that
have been attributed to some cultural groups over
others (e.g., the academic performance of African
American youth vs. Asian American youth) may
reflect differential proportions of recent immigrants.
Tseng challenged the stereotype that the greater interest in math and science associated with Asian
immigrants to the United States, relative to Latinos
or African Americans, is necessarily due to differences in cultural values. Instead, she found across
various ethnic and cultural groupsFincluding Latinos, African Americans, and Asian Americans
Fthat immigrant youth and adolescent offspring of
immigrants chose university majors with higher
concentrations of math and science compared with
third-generation youth from these same ethnic
groups. Although some differences between groups
may be due to cultural values, Tseng documented
that some differences in academic preferences and
activity are due to generat…
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