Im trying to study for my History course and I need some help to understand this question.
Write a 400- to 600-word essay based on the following questions:
Is nationalism a good or bad thing? (Make sure to include a discussion of what nationalism is.)
In central Europe in the 19th century, nationalism led to the unification of Germany and Italy. In the United States, during the same period, divergent nationalistic views between the South and the North led to the growth of sectionalism and a civil war. Using these as examples, discuss the positive and negative effects of nationalism.
Looking at the effects on nationalism today, based on your research for the Gen Ed Websites, would you say that nationalism is a good or bad thing? Use specific examples, past and present, to back up your argument.
THESE are the two examples that you can use
According to the article “Europe and right-wing nationalism: A country-by-country guide” written on the BBC News, nationalism is deep-rooted in many countries in Europe.Some of these co7untries are Italy, Germany, Austria, Denmark, Switzerland, and Denmark among other countries
The article, Editorial: The paradox of rising globalism fueling rising nationalism suggests that the industries and national economies in the modern world have become globalized.The article also s
An Essay on the Duties of Man Addressed to Workingmen
Italian Peninsula, 1858
Your first duties are towards Humanity If you do not embrace the whole human family in your affection; if you do not bear witness to your belief in the Unity of that family, consequent upon the Unity of God, and in that fraternity among the peoples which is destined to reduce that Unity to action; if a fellow-creature suffers, or the dignity of human nature is violated by falsehood or tyranny – you are not ready, if able, to aid the unhappy, and do not feel called upon to combat, if able, for the redemption of the betrayed and oppressed – you violate your law of life, you comprehend not that Religion which will be the guide and blessing of the future.
But what can each of you, singly, do for the moral improvement and progress of Humanity? [The] watchword of the faith of the future is Association and fraternal cooperation towards a common aim and this is far superior to all charity
But, you tell me, you cannot attempt united action, distinct and divided as you are in language, customs, tendencies, and capacity. The individual is too insignificant, and Humanity too vast. The mariner of Brittany prays to God as he puts to sea; “Help me, my God! my boat is so small and Thy ocean so wide!” And this prayer is the true expression of the condition of each one of you, until you find the means of infinitely multiplying your forces and powers of action.
This means was provided for you by God when He gave you a country; when, even as a wise overseer of labour distributes the various branches of employment according to the different capacities of the workmen, he divided Humanity into distinct groups upon the face of the earth, thus creating the germ of nationalities. Evil governments have disfigured the Divine design. Nevertheless you may still trace it, distinctly marked out [in Europe] by the course of the great rivers, the direction of the higher mountains, and other geographical conditions. They have disfigured it by their conquests, their greed, and their jealousy even of the righteous power of others; disfigured it so far that, if we except England and France, there is not perhaps a single country whose present boundaries correspond to that design.
These governments did not, and do not, recognize any country save their own families or dynasty, the egoism of caste. But the Divine design will infallibly be realized; natural divisions and the spontaneous, innate tendencies of the peoples will take the place of the arbitrary divisions, sanctioned by evil governments. The map of Europe will be redrawn. The countries of the peoples, defined by the vote of free men, will arise upon the ruins of the countries of kings and privileged castes, and between these countries harmony and fraternity will exist. And the common work of Humanity will be wrought out in peaceful and progressive development … Then may each one of you, fortified by the power and affection of many millions, all speaking the same language, gifted with the same tendencies, and educated by the same historical tradition, hope even by your own single efforts to be able to benefit all Humanity.
0, my brothers, love your Country! Our country is our Home, a house God has given us, placing therein a numerous family that loves us, and whom we love; a family with whom we sympathize more readily and whom we understand more quickly than we do others; and which, from its being centred round a given spot, and from the homogeneous nature of its elements, is adapted to a special branch of activity. Our Country is our common workshop, whence the products of our activity are sent forth for the benefit of the whole world; wherein the tools and implements of labour we can most usefully employ are gathered together
In labouring for our own country on the right principle, we labour for Humanity Before men can associate with the nations of which Humanity is composed, they must have a national existence. There is no true association except among equals. It is only through our country that we can have a recognized collective existence. Humanity is a vast army advancing to the conquest of lands unknown, against enemies both powerful and astute.
[Be] ever ready to combat for the liberty of that people, should it be necessary, but combat in such wise that the blood you shed may reflect glory, not on yourself alone, but on your country. Say not I, but We. Let each man among you strive to incarnate his country in himself. Let each man among you regard himself as a guarantor, responsible for his fellow-countrymen, and learn so to govern his actions as to cause his country to be loved and respected through him. Your country is the sign of the Mission God has given you to fulfill towards Humanity The true country is a community of free men and equals, bound together in fraternal concord to labour towards a common aim. The country is not an aggregation, but an association. There is, therefore, no true country without a uniform right. There is no true country where the uniformity of that right is violated by the existence of caste privilege and inequality In the name of the love you bear your country, you must peacefully but untiringly combat the existence of privilege and inequality in the land that gave you life.
Be your country your Temple: God at the summit; a people of equals at the base.
Accept no other moral law [It] is necessary that all of you should aid in framing them. Laws framed only by a single fraction of the citizens, can never, in the very nature of things, be other than the mere expression of the thoughts, aspirations, and desires of that fraction; the representation, not of the country, but of a third or fourth part, of a class or zone of the country.
The laws should be the expression of the universal aspiration, and promote the universal good. They should be a pulsation of the heart of the nation. The entire nation should, either directly or indirectly, legislate.
By yielding up this mission into the hands of a few, you substitute the selfishness of one class for the Country, which is the union of all classes.
Country is not only a mere zone of territory. The true Country is the Idea to which it gives birth; it is the Thought of love, the sense of communion which unites in one all the sons of that territory.
So long as a single one amongst your brothers has no vote to represent him in the development of the national life, so long as there is one left to vegetate in ignorance where others are educated, so long as a single man, able and willing to work, languishes in poverty through want of work to do, you have no country in the sense in which Country ought to exist – the country of all and for all.
Education, labour, and the franchise, are the three main pillars of the Nation
And so long as you are ready to die for Humanity, the life of your country will be immortal.
Print version: Mazzini_Duties.docx
Home webpage: http://history.hanover.edu/project.php, with acknowledgment to Hanover Historical Texts Collection
Web address: http://history.hanover.edu/texts/mazzini/mazzini5….
Original Source: Joseph Mazzini, An Essay on the Duties of Man Addressed to Workingmen (Funk & Wagnalls, 1898), 57-63.
Edited by Elizabeth L. Hardman
The Dred Scott Decision
Chief Justice Roger Taney – U.S. Supreme Court
United States, 1856
The question is simply this: Can a negro, whose ancestors were imported into this country and sold as slaves become a member of the political community and as such, become entitled to all the rights, and privileges and immunities, guaranteed by that instrument to the citizen? [Including the right to sue] in a court of the United States in the cases specified in the Constitution
The words people of the United States and citizens are synonymous terms, and mean the same thing The question before us is, whether [people of African descent] compose a portion of this people [citizens]? We think [people of African descent] are not, and that they are not included, and were not intended to be included, under the word citizens in the Constitution, and can therefore claim none of the rights and privileges which that instrument provides for and secures to citizens of the United States. On the contrary, they were at that time considered as a subordinate and inferior class of beings, who had been subjugated by the dominant race, and, whether emancipated or not, yet remained subject to their authority, and had no rights or privileges but such as those who held the power and the Government might choose to grant them
The question then arises, whether the provisions of the Constitution act upon [people of African descent] whenever he shall be made free under the laws of a State, and raised there to the rank of a citizen, and immediately clothe him with all the privileges of a citizen in every other State, and in its own courts?
The court think the affirmative of these propositions cannot be maintained. And if it cannot, the plaintiff in error could not be a citizen of the State of Missouri, within the meaning of the Constitution of the United States
In the opinion of the court, the legislation and histories [from the time when the nation was founded], and the language used in the Declaration of Independence, show, that neither the class of persons who had been imported as slaves, nor their descendants, whether they had become free or not, were then acknowledged as a part of the people, nor intended to be included in the general words used in that memorable instrument…
[Africans] had for more than a century before been regarded as beings of an inferior order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race, either in social or political relations; and so far inferior, that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect; and that the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit. He was bought and sold, and treated as an ordinary article of merchandise and traffic, whenever a profit could be made by it. This opinion was at that time fixed and universal in the civilized portion of the white race. It was regarded as an axiom in morals as well as in politics, which no one thought of disputing, or supposed to be open to dispute; and men in every grade and position in society daily and habitually acted upon it in their private pursuits, as well as in matters of public concern, without doubting for a moment the correctness of this opinion
It is very true, that in that portion of the Union where the labor of the negro race was found to be unsuited to the climate and unprofitable to the master, but few slaves were held at the time of the Declaration of Independence; and when the Constitution was adopted, it had entirely worn out in one of them, and measures had been taken for its gradual abolition in several others. But this change had not been produced by any change of opinion in relation to this race; but because it was discovered, from experience, that slave labor was unsuited to the climate and productions of these States: for some of the States, where it had ceased or nearly ceased to exist, were actively engaged in the slave trade, procuring cargoes on the coast of Africa, and transporting them for sale to those parts of the Union where their labor was found to be profitable, and suited to the climate and productions. And this traffic was openly carried on, and fortunes accumulated by it, without reproach from the people of the States where they resided. And it can hardly be supposed that, in the States where it was then countenanced in its worst form-that is, in the seizure and transportation-the people could have regarded those who were emancipated as entitled to equal rights with themselves It cannot be supposed that [the non-slave holding states] intended to secure to [people of African descent] rights, and privileges, and rank, in the new political body throughout the Union, which every one of them denied within the limits of its own dominion. More especially, it cannot be believed that the large slaveholding States regarded them as included in the word citizens, or would have consented to a Constitution which might compel them to receive them in that character from another State
And upon a full and careful consideration of the subject, the court is of opinion, that, upon the facts stated in the plea in abatement, Dred Scott was not a citizen of Missouri within the meaning of the Constitution of the United States, and not entitled as such to sue in its courts; and, consequently, that the Circuit Court had no jurisdiction of the case, and that the judgment on the plea in abatement is erroneous
[N]o one supposes that a slave is a citizen of the State or of the United States. If, therefore, the acts done by his owner did not make them free persons, he is still a slave, and certainly incapable of suing in the character of a citizen.
Print version: dredscottdecision.docx
Full text source: http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?n…
This edition was influenced by an edited version of the source available here: http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/aia/part4/4h2933t.html
This edition edited by Seth Offenbach
Abraham Lincolns Letter to Horace Greeley
United States, 1862
Hon. Horace Greeley:
I have just read yours of the 19th. addressed to myself through the New-York Tribune
As to the policy I seem to be pursuing as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt.
I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored; the nearer the Union will be the Union as it was. If there be those who would not save the Union, unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors; and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.
I have here stated my purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men every where [sic] could be free.
Print version: lincolnlettergreeley.docx
Edited from: http://www.abrahamlincolnonline.org/lincoln/speech…
Edited by: Seth Offenbach
Thirteenth Amendment (1865)
Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the
United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.
Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
Fourteenth Amendment (1868)
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject
to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein
they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges
or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive
any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law;
nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction
the equal protection of the laws…
Fifteenth Amendment (1870)
The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by
the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition
The Congress shall have the power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
Print version: reconstructionamend.docx
Original Source: Archives
This edition edited by: Seth Offenbach
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